Laborers in Putin's fortification discuss smashed expectations
Yevgeny Solozhnin, a 61-year-old welder and Vladimir Putin supporter, is searching for a phone number to call the Russian president and whine about the brutal wage cuts that split his paycheck at the state tank and railroad auto plant. Solozhnin doesn't point the finger at Putin for this, he just thinks about whether Putin knows about the inconvenience.
"We thought possibly we'd call and contact him," Solozhnin said as he floated over a pot of borscht in his flat in Nizhny Tagil. "Individuals who are speaking to the legislature — they are ruining things, they are disappointing Putin."
The perspective of Putin as a decent president misdirected by officials is boundless in Russia. Putin himself develops the picture by keeping up a specific separation from Joined Russia, the gathering that is his energy base; he's not a part and is running in the Walk 18 decision as an autonomous. He is relied upon to visit Nizhny Tagil on Tuesday for a battle occasion.
In the run-up to the last decision in 2012, Nizhny Tagil turned into a token of fealty to Putin when the foreman at the Uralvagonzavod manufacturing plant showed up on Putin's yearly marathon bring in appear and reviled the substantial dissent energizes that had emerged in some Russian urban communities as a danger to the "soundness" that is on a basic level of Putin's allure.
"I need to say in regards to those arouses: if our police can't work, can't deal with it, me and the folks are prepared to come over and go to bat for our steadiness - yet surely inside the system of the law," Igor Kholmanskikh said.
"Do come over!" Putin reacted, grinning.
Kholmanskikh's extreme words prompted Russian media naming Nizhny Tagil "Putingrad." In the decision, the town's discretionary locale around the manufacturing plant gave Putin around 70 percent of its vote.
Nowadays, eagerness for Putin at Uralvagonzavod, the significant manager in the Ural mountains city of 400,000, seems, by all accounts, to be winding down. Two of Solozhnin's children, who additionally work at the plant, won't vote in favor of Putin like their dad — one backings the Socialist competitor and the other patriot torch Vladimir Zhirinovsky.
As a large number of laborers spilled out of the plant at move's end on a current workday, numerous chuckled when inquired as to whether the city satisfies its "Putingrad" moniker.
A few, as 38-year-old Anton Udintsev, were slowly surrendered to Putin winning a fourth term — he will cast a tally for Putin himself since "Who else is there to vote in favor of?"
He recognized that the manufacturing plant's compensation cuts were troublesome, "however it's alright."
The previous fall, Uralvagonzavod forcefully lessened its piecework rates. The organization says the cut reflects new methods that cut creation time for each piece. Laborers debate that — Solozhnin said his January paycheck was only 30,000 rubles ($530), half of what he used to win. Twenty-five representatives in Solozhnin's workshop at the plant have indicted the organization for unjustified pay decreases. They lost two cases a month ago and are currently planning to hold up an interest.
"We're not requesting a compensation rise — we simply need our cash back," Solozhnin clarified.
The production line was in poor budgetary condition when Kholmanskikh made his "me and the young men" promise. In any case, after Putin was chosen — and after Putin named Kholmanskikh his emissary for the sprawling Urals that incorporates Nizhny Tagil — greater government orders for tanks started coming in. Be that as it may, regardless it faces headwinds. The Cargo One load organization scratched off a request for railroad autos in December, saying that working with an organization boycotted by U.S. authorizes over Putin's addition of Crimea could risk its outside activities.
Solozhnin said the specialists had spoke to Kholmanskikh for help however they now speculate he is a guardian for Putin, "not letting our (requests) through to him."
"We don't see the emissary and don't generally know much about him," said Natalya Vakhonina, manager in-boss at the nearby autonomous site Mezhdu Strok. "The more remote we are from the minute when he was going to 'come over and go to bat for soundness' with his folks, the less ... he visits here."
The AP's solicitations for a meeting with Kholmanskikh went unanswered.
Like his dad, 33-year-old Vitaly Solozhnin thinks Putin "isn't seeing what is occurring" at the manufacturing plant, however reaches an alternate determination about what that implies in the decision: he said he will vote in favor of Comrade Pavel Grudinin.
Putin, whose endorsement rating routinely floats around 80 percent, is certain to win the race count. In any case, his supporters are worried that turnout will be similarly low, which could take the sparkle off his picture.
Solozhnin's oldest child, Proverb, quit voting in favor of Putin six years back, after another round of pay cuts. He said that voter lack of concern because of doubt of the administration and the overwhelming Joined Russia party is across the board.
"I converse with the folks and they say: 'Max, what's the point in going (to vote)? It's altogether been chosen for us," he said. "Individuals were trusting that something could change... Be that as it may, the time has passed and the specialists, Joined Russia are still there and taking cash from us.
The senior Solozhnin concedes that he once in a while feels influenced by his kids' contentions against Putin.
"Once in a while I tune in to my kids and think: where are you, Vladimir Vladimirovich?" he said. "At the point when the folks are remaining in the shower ... to be completely forthright, individuals are reviling the administration."
"We thought possibly we'd call and contact him," Solozhnin said as he floated over a pot of borscht in his flat in Nizhny Tagil. "Individuals who are speaking to the legislature — they are ruining things, they are disappointing Putin."
The perspective of Putin as a decent president misdirected by officials is boundless in Russia. Putin himself develops the picture by keeping up a specific separation from Joined Russia, the gathering that is his energy base; he's not a part and is running in the Walk 18 decision as an autonomous. He is relied upon to visit Nizhny Tagil on Tuesday for a battle occasion.
In the run-up to the last decision in 2012, Nizhny Tagil turned into a token of fealty to Putin when the foreman at the Uralvagonzavod manufacturing plant showed up on Putin's yearly marathon bring in appear and reviled the substantial dissent energizes that had emerged in some Russian urban communities as a danger to the "soundness" that is on a basic level of Putin's allure.
"I need to say in regards to those arouses: if our police can't work, can't deal with it, me and the folks are prepared to come over and go to bat for our steadiness - yet surely inside the system of the law," Igor Kholmanskikh said.
"Do come over!" Putin reacted, grinning.
Kholmanskikh's extreme words prompted Russian media naming Nizhny Tagil "Putingrad." In the decision, the town's discretionary locale around the manufacturing plant gave Putin around 70 percent of its vote.
Nowadays, eagerness for Putin at Uralvagonzavod, the significant manager in the Ural mountains city of 400,000, seems, by all accounts, to be winding down. Two of Solozhnin's children, who additionally work at the plant, won't vote in favor of Putin like their dad — one backings the Socialist competitor and the other patriot torch Vladimir Zhirinovsky.
As a large number of laborers spilled out of the plant at move's end on a current workday, numerous chuckled when inquired as to whether the city satisfies its "Putingrad" moniker.
A few, as 38-year-old Anton Udintsev, were slowly surrendered to Putin winning a fourth term — he will cast a tally for Putin himself since "Who else is there to vote in favor of?"
He recognized that the manufacturing plant's compensation cuts were troublesome, "however it's alright."
The previous fall, Uralvagonzavod forcefully lessened its piecework rates. The organization says the cut reflects new methods that cut creation time for each piece. Laborers debate that — Solozhnin said his January paycheck was only 30,000 rubles ($530), half of what he used to win. Twenty-five representatives in Solozhnin's workshop at the plant have indicted the organization for unjustified pay decreases. They lost two cases a month ago and are currently planning to hold up an interest.
"We're not requesting a compensation rise — we simply need our cash back," Solozhnin clarified.
The production line was in poor budgetary condition when Kholmanskikh made his "me and the young men" promise. In any case, after Putin was chosen — and after Putin named Kholmanskikh his emissary for the sprawling Urals that incorporates Nizhny Tagil — greater government orders for tanks started coming in. Be that as it may, regardless it faces headwinds. The Cargo One load organization scratched off a request for railroad autos in December, saying that working with an organization boycotted by U.S. authorizes over Putin's addition of Crimea could risk its outside activities.
Solozhnin said the specialists had spoke to Kholmanskikh for help however they now speculate he is a guardian for Putin, "not letting our (requests) through to him."
"We don't see the emissary and don't generally know much about him," said Natalya Vakhonina, manager in-boss at the nearby autonomous site Mezhdu Strok. "The more remote we are from the minute when he was going to 'come over and go to bat for soundness' with his folks, the less ... he visits here."
The AP's solicitations for a meeting with Kholmanskikh went unanswered.
Like his dad, 33-year-old Vitaly Solozhnin thinks Putin "isn't seeing what is occurring" at the manufacturing plant, however reaches an alternate determination about what that implies in the decision: he said he will vote in favor of Comrade Pavel Grudinin.
Putin, whose endorsement rating routinely floats around 80 percent, is certain to win the race count. In any case, his supporters are worried that turnout will be similarly low, which could take the sparkle off his picture.
Solozhnin's oldest child, Proverb, quit voting in favor of Putin six years back, after another round of pay cuts. He said that voter lack of concern because of doubt of the administration and the overwhelming Joined Russia party is across the board.
"I converse with the folks and they say: 'Max, what's the point in going (to vote)? It's altogether been chosen for us," he said. "Individuals were trusting that something could change... Be that as it may, the time has passed and the specialists, Joined Russia are still there and taking cash from us.
The senior Solozhnin concedes that he once in a while feels influenced by his kids' contentions against Putin.
"Once in a while I tune in to my kids and think: where are you, Vladimir Vladimirovich?" he said. "At the point when the folks are remaining in the shower ... to be completely forthright, individuals are reviling the administration."
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